Archives de catégorie : ACTUALITES

The Lao dam collapse: a tragedy long in the making

« The Lao dam collapse: a tragedy long in the making » by Bruce Shoemaker, 03/08/2018, New Mandala

The partial collapse of a newly constructed dam in Laos has killed dozens of local villagers and devastated the lives and livelihoods of thousands—and in doing so exposed cracks in the hydropower agenda of the country’s one-party government. The South Korean and Thai companies spearheading the Xe Pian-Xe Namnoy project initially tried to write off the collapse as a natural disaster induced by heavy rains. However, this was very much an avoidable manmade tragedy caused by poor design, construction and operation.

While the Xe Pian-Xe Namnoy tragedy is particularly acute, the rush to transform Laos into “the battery of Southeast Asia” through rapid construction of large hydropower across the country is already a widespread, if largely unacknowledged, human rights and environmental disaster.

In a highly restrictive one-party state in which local people have no freedom of expression or access to independent media, and civil society is severely constrained, tens of thousands of people are being forcibly resettled to make way for large-scale hydropower projects and other infrastructure.

Many more communities downstream from these projects, dependent on migratory fish and other river resources for income and food security, have lost livelihoods and food sources without acknowledgement or redress. Some projects are being built in what are legally protected conservation areas, causing severe impacts on areas of high biodiversity significance. Xe Pian-Xe Namnoy was no exception.

Lire la suite sur : http://www.newmandala.org/lao-dam-collapse-tragedy-long-making/

The Painting That Is Painted With Poetry Is Profoundly Beautiful

« The Painting That Is Painted With Poetry Is Profoundly Beautiful – Tang Chang » by Nora Taylor, Jul/Aug 2018, ArtAsiaPacific

Chills ran down my spine as I peered into the vitrine positioned toward the end of the late Tang Chang’s solo exhibition at the Smart Museum of Art, so beautifully and adeptly curated by Orianna Cacchione. On a faded sheet of paper was the word “gunman,” handwritten in English, and repeated in a pattern that resembles a monument. In the top right-hand corner, the word “democracy” appeared; at the bottom right was the date 1978. The Thai artist was referring to the suppression of the student protest against the return of Thanom Kittikachorn, an exiled military dictator, which had taken place two years earlier in Bangkok. That event, known as the October 1976 massacre, had led to the deaths of many at the hands of the Thai military. Yet, reading those words in the south of Chicago, I immediately thought of the recent and persistent shootings that have taken place in American schools. That a Thai artist—a self-described Buddhist, no less—would capture the mood of our violent times in such a poetic way was moving.

There were several other poems shaped like the Democracy Monument. Kill was one of them, and Democracy of Dictatorship (both 1978), written in Thai, was another. Many of the words were barely legible, appearing like scribbles, but their repetition created drawings, interwoven lines and shapes. I begin this review by mentioning these poems, even though Chang was also a painter and the exhibition included many of his paintings, because after walking through the rooms that held them, I could barely distinguish the poems from the paintings and vice versa. The title that the curator chose for the exhibition made complete sense. Poetry comes first, and is the medium for the paintings.

The exhibition at the Smart Museum is the first solo exhibition of Chang’s works outside of Thailand and the first to be held in the United States.

Lire la suite sur : http://artasiapacific.com/Magazine/109/ThePaintingThatIsPaintedWithPoetryIsProfoundlyBeautiful

IS in the Philippines and the Battle of Marawi: a new appraisal

« IS in the Philippines and the Battle of Marawi: a new appraisal » by Luke Lichin, 31/07/2018, New Mandala

Nine months since the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) retook the city of Marawi from a coalition of Islamic State (IS) affiliated groups, resulting in the deaths of at least 802 militants, 160 government forces, and 47 civilians, President Rodrigo Duterte signed the Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL).

The legislation grants political and financial autonomy to a new Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in the Southern Philippines after decades of insurgency and years of tumultuous peace negotiations. Promisingly, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) voiced its satisfaction with the legislation, and is working towards the next steps of implementation, including the decommissioning of 30,000-40,000 fighters. Nevertheless, the BOL must still overcome a range of challenges, including efforts by IS-affiliates to spoil the prospect of peace in Mindanao and Sulu.

Speaking on behalf of the IS-aligned faction of the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF), Abu Misri Mama derided the BOL as an agreement that will benefit only the MILF, and warned of future attacks in response. Although the AFP dismissed the threat as empty propaganda, continuing clashes with the BIFF in Maguindanao and Cotabato lend credibility to Abu Misri Mama’s announcement. The BIFF, like the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) and the Maute Group, reject the notion of autonomy for Muslims in the Southern Philippines, and seek to create an IS Wilayat (province) in Southeast Asia; a casus belli that resonates with and attracts fighters from Mindanao, Sulu, and abroad.

Small and fragmented though they are, the BIFF, the ASG, and the Maute Group are resilient organisations that have defied the AFP’s attempts to stamp them out, and there is no better illustration of that resilience than the AFP’s victory in Marawi.

Lire la suite sur : http://www.newmandala.org/philippines-battle-marawi-new-appraisal/

50 shades of yellow: how conservatism overwhelmed liberalism in the anti-Thaksin movement

« 50 shades of yellow: how conservatism overwhelmed liberalism in the anti-Thaksin movement » by Kanokrat Leertchoosakul, 01/08/2018, New Mandala

« Of the 100 PAD members I interviewed, 76 had previously never actively participated in a political movement. 63 had not even followed political news before their foray into protesting with the yellow shirts. »

At its incipience, the movement against Thaksin Shinawatra (and his subsequent nominee governments) compromised a motley—even contradictory—crew of groups loyal to diverse ideologies and political standpoints. This is a history now easily forgotten. They ranged from conservatives genuinely opposed to democracy and bent on defending nationalism and monarchism, to factions who mobilised to defend democratic ideals and who were resolutely wary of nationalism and royalism.

During the People’s Alliance for Democracy’s (PAD) early days, most of the movement’s conservatives members constituted the rank and file. In contrast, several leaders who exercised managing authority over protest sites came from liberal backgrounds. As one anonymous leader of the movement in Udon Thani remarked, “The Rajabhat rally was organised [by liberals] because we had experience in managing crowds. No one else did”. How was it that this heterogeneous network eventually mobilised down a progressively conservative direction, whereby royalist, nationalist and anti-democratic forces overwhelmed the movement?

I argue conservative mobilisation strategies married two previously disparate networks: first, scattered right-wing groups and second, an apolitical middle-class mass. Right-wing networks, once weak and diffuse, were brought together by the need to mobilise a popular base and in doing so forged a relatively united front. Simultaneously, these right-wing leaders attracted through the discourse of “Threat, Big Crisis, Action Is Needed Now” (ภัยคุกคาม-วิกฤตครั้งใหญ่-ต้องทำอะไรเดี๋ยวนี้) the support of members of the middle-class who had never before participated in a political movement—who were subsequently “politically awakened”.

When these two networks coalesced, conservative elements overwhelmed the movement against Thaksin in terms of numbers, bargaining power and resources, progressively squeezing out liberal elements. I base my genealogy of how the movement against Thaksin took on a conservative zeal—something that we may now take for granted—on interviews with 100 people who once mobilised against the tycoon-cum-politician. Interviewees came from 13 provinces across four of the country’s regions.

Lire la suite sur : http://www.newmandala.org/50-shades-yellow-conservatism-overwhelmed-liberalism-anti-thaksin-movement/

Fakes or Fancies? Some ‘problematic’ islamic manuscripts from South East Asia

« Fakes or Fancies? Some ‘problematic’ islamic manuscripts from South East Asia » by Annabel Teh Gallop in Manuscript Cultures 10 (2017)

This article focuses solely on ‘Islamic’ manuscripts from
South East Asia, namely those manuscripts written in Arabic
script, containing texts in Arabic and Malay, and occasionally
in Javanese. The indelible association between Islam and
the Arabic script – the vehicle for the word of God in the
Qur’an – lends itself to a widespread and convenient market
perception of all manuscripts written in forms of the Arabic
script as inherently ‘Islamic’, irrespective of their contents.
Thus a manuscript of the Hikayat Perang Pandawa Jaya –
the story of the final fight of the Pandawa brothers from the
Mahabharata – written on paper, in Malay in the extended
form of Arabic script known as Jawi, might easily appear

in an auction sale in London of Islamic manuscripts, while a manuscript of the Serat Yusup, the Muslim story of the

Prophet Joseph, written on palm leaf in Javanese language
and the Javanese script which is of Indic script, would attract
little interest in the international Islamic art market. And it
is indeed the rapid expansion of the international market in
Islamic art over the past three decades that has precipitated
the writing of this article.
This surge of interest in London was mirrored by a
simi lar flurry of activity on the other side of the world,
due to the collecting activities of two large institutions in
Malaysia. In the early 1980s, the Department for Islamic
Affairs (Bahagian Hal Ehwal Islam, BAHEIS) – now known
as the Department for the Propagation of Islam (Jabatan
Kemajuan Islam Malaysia, JAKIM) – in the Prime Minister’s
Department of Malaysia embarked on an ambitious project
to collect Islamic cultural artefacts including manuscripts.
More than 3,600 manuscripts in Arabic, Malay and other
languages were acquired in a relatively short period, in­
cluding over 300 Qur’ans, mainly from South East Asia.
Since 1998 the JAKIM collection has been on loan to the
Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia (IAMM), Kuala Lumpur.
The second important event was the foundation in 1984 of
the Malay Manuscripts Centre (Pusat Manuskrip Melayu)
at the National Library of Malaysia (Perpustakaan Negara
Malaysia, PNM), whose collection now numbers over 4,700
manuscripts primarily in Malay, but including about 40
Qur’ans. Other smaller institutions in South East Asia, as
well as a number of private collectors, also actively began
to acquire Islamic manuscripts in the 1980s and 1990s. In
Indonesia, a major revival of interest can be traced to the
Festival Istiqlal held in Jakarta in 1991, which included
the first major exhibition of Qur’an manuscripts from the

archipelago.

A télécharger sur : https://www.manuscript-cultures.uni-hamburg.de/MC/articles/mc10_gallop.pdf

Democracy Bites the Dust in Cambodia but Glimmers of Hope Remain

« Democracy Bites the Dust in Cambodia but Glimmers of Hope Remain » by Sophal Ear, 01/08/2018, TheNewsLens

As the red dust settles on Cambodia’s soil following the hubbub of last weekend’s election, questions hang in the air over what just really happened.

The short answer is that Hun Sen, who has ruled Cambodia as the world’s longest serving prime minister since 1985, is basking in the prospect of another five years in power.

The official results suggest that the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) won all 125 seats in parliament, with 77.5 percent of the vote on the back of turnout of 80.5 percent.

This result, which had been on the cards since the forced dissolution and subsequent exile of the main opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) last November, represents nothing less than the death of the democracy in Cambodia.

Lire la suite sur : https://international.thenewslens.com/article/100977

 

2018 regional elections: why is there a disconnect between local and national politics?

« 2018 regional elections: why is there a disconnect between local and national politics? » by Abdil Mughis Mudhoffir and Rafiqa Qurrata A’yun, 18/07/2018, Indonesia at Melbourne

In late June, Indonesia held elections for district heads, mayors and governors in 171 regions. Many observers predicted the elections would exacerbate the polarisation of society — between Islamists on one hand and nationalists on the other — mirroring the dynamics of the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election.

Religious identity politics did play a role in some local election outcomes, as we discuss below. However, observers also predicted the local elections would reflect political alliances at the national level. In fact, most coalitions supporting candidates at the local level represented different political alliances and different divisions to those seen at the national level.

If anything, the regional elections demonstrated that there is no decisive ideological line differentiating most parties from the others. Political alliances are highly flexible and there appear to be no definitive political enemies.

For example, at the national level, Gerindra and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) are opposition parties, but in local contests they readily align themselves with the same parties they oppose at the national level. Interestingly, decisions to build local political alliances are often made by the members of the party’s central board, not the local branches.

Lire la suite sur : http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/2018-regional-elections-why-is-there-a-disconnect-between-local-and-national-politics/

Trading blows: NU versus PKS

« Trading blows: NU versus PKS » by Greg Fealy, 10/07/2018, Indonesia at Melbourne

How did a visit to Israel by a senior Islamic figure lead to members of Indonesia’s largest Islamic organisation, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), accusing the nation’s second largest Islamic party, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), of behaving like communists who are out to destroy Indonesia? This is a tale about the fevered state of Islamic discourse in Indonesia, one nurtured in the hothouse of social media. It has been fuelled by long-standing and deepening doctrinal animosities as well as competing political interests. Its resonance will be felt in next year’s legislative and presidential elections.

The saga began in early June, when Yahya Cholil Staquf, the secretary of NU’s Religious Council (PB Syuriah) and a member of President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s Advisory Council (Wantimpres) visited Israel. He travelled at the invitation of the advocacy group the American Jewish Committee (AJC) and gave a series of public lectures as well as met political and religious leaders and academics.

Yahya claimed he went to Israel out of concern for the Palestinians and a desire to foster peace in the Middle East. He also invoked the name of Abdurrahman Wahid (“Gus Dur”), Indonesia’s fourth president and former NU chair, who visited Israel on numerous occasions and served on the advisory board of the Peres Centre for Peace. Yahya ignored advice from many of his NU colleagues not to go and travelled without the approval of the NU Central Board.

News of the visit broke in the Islamic media on 9 June, sparking immediate controversy. When, a few days later, the Israeli press carried pictures of Yahya shaking hands with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Islamist groups reacted angrily, calling on NU and President Widodo to censure or dismiss him for undercutting Indonesia’s long-standing pro-Palestinian policy and for playing into the hands of an Israeli government that had only recently shot dead more than 50 Palestinians on the Gaza border. Criticism of Yahya sharpened when it was reported that he failed to meet any Palestinian leaders and had been “severely censured” by Hamas in a press statement on 11 June.

Lire la suite sur : http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/trading-blows-nu-versus-pks/

Survive and Thrive: Field Research in Authoritarian Southeast Asia

« Survive and Thrive: Field Research in Authoritarian Southeast Asia » by Lee Morgenbesser and Meredith L. Weiss in Asian Studies Review

Abstract

The literature on field research methods has focused almost exclusively on the strategies available to scholars working in democracies. By comparison, there has been scant guidance for those working in authoritarian regimes. This is despite the distinct set of challenges that arise where civil liberties and political rights are not consistently or well protected. The purpose of this article is to address this deficit. Drawing on the region of Southeast Asia as a natural laboratory for comparative analysis, it offers guidance on how to successfully conduct archival research, carry out interviews and undertake participant observation under authoritarianism. The resulting conclusions are applicable to the pursuit of primary research by scholars at all career levels and in other regions of the world.

A télécharger sur : https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10357823.2018.1472210

CFP : Myanmar Update 2019

CFP : Myanmar Update 2019 : Living with Myanmar, 15-16 March 2019, Australian National University

Proposals due by 7 September 2018

The next Myanmar Update conference will be held on Friday, 15 March and Saturday, 16 March 2019 at The Australian National University, Canberra. Hosted by the ANU Myanmar Research Centre, in the College of Asia and the Pacific, the conference has as its theme ‘Living with Myanmar’.

The conference theme is a response to the challenges that people in Myanmar continue to face in living with the legacies of sixty years of military rule. Since 2011 Myanmar has experienced profound changes and reforms. The formation of a new government in Myanmar, led by the National League for Democracy, was also a crucially important milestone in the country’s transition to a more inclusive form of governance. And yet, for many people everyday struggles remain unchanged, and have often worsened in recent years. Key economic, social and political reforms are stalled, conflict persists and longstanding issues of citizenship and belonging remain. Since the last conference in 2017, Myanmar’s restive borderlands have been the site of escalating military campaigns, driving more than 800,000 Rohingya, Kachin, Shan and Karen people to flee internally or across borders. These dynamics have complicated Myanmar’s diplomatic relations with neighbouring countries and exposed the fractures at the heart of Myanmar’s transition to partial civilian rule.

Building on the 2017 Update which probed the theme of ‘Transformations’, the 2019 conference seeks to explore the contradictions, ambiguities and complexities of ‘Living with Myanmar’. What is it like to live with and navigate the institutions, socialities and political ideals that shape life for many people in and outside of the territory of Myanmar? How are people engaging in creative and productive ways with Myanmar’s historical, geographic and institutional complexities? We invite scholars and practitioners to probe these questions, focusing on how everyday people, activists, state officials and external actors craft lives and worldviews as they live with Myanmar.

Paper proposals

The Myanmar Update conference convenors invite paper proposals from interested academics, analysts, researchers, and professionals, that address the overall theme of ‘Living with Myanmar’ in any of the following topic areas: Politics and Governance; Economic Change and Stagnation; Law and Justice; Conflict and Peace; Citizenship and Identity; and Society and Culture. We also welcome proposals for our Burmese-language panel, which can be submitted in Burmese on any one of the preceding themes, following the same format as for English-language papers. The organisers are particularly interested to receive proposals that explore the nuances and dynamics of living with Myanmar from urban and rural areas. And papers that challenge the theme are also very welcome!

Papers will be grouped into sessions addressing these different themes. In addition to these sessions, the conference will include a keynote address, and Political and Economic Update papers, presented by invited speakers.

As in previous Updates, the conveners are interested in receiving proposals from new voices, both within academia and outside it. We are particularly interested, of course, in new voices from Myanmar. We are happy to provide advice and guidance to participants who may have limited experience in international conference presentations. Paper proposals in Burmese will be accepted and, if required, translation services will be available for their presentation at the conference in a non-Burmese language session.

To submit a proposal, please fill in your details at the following link:

https://goo.gl/forms/5Y5iGzlM0CpqIdOl2

This should be submitted no later than Friday, 7 September 2018.

Plus d’informations sur : http://myanmar.anu.edu.au/events/myanmarburma-update/myanmar-update-2019

 

 

ARI Job Opportunities 2019/20

ARI Job Opportunities 2019/20 – NUS

All positions are for outstanding, active researchers from around the world, to work on an important piece of Asia-related research in the social sciences or humanities.

Applicants should only apply for ONE of the four types of position (i.e. Senior Research Fellow, Research Fellow, Postdoctoral Fellow, or Visiting Senior Research Fellow). Apart from the quality of the research proposal, the applicant’s track record and supporting references, positions will be awarded on the basis of the relationship of the research topic to the identified priorities and themes of ARI’s research clusters as listed in Research Clusters and Their Focus (click here).

Applicants need to indicate the particular Research Cluster(s) to which they are applying. In cases where there may be overlapping research interests, you may nominate up to a maximum of 2 clusters.

During their term at ARI, recipients are expected to submit a working paper (not more than 10,000 words) to the ARI Working Paper Series. Candidates are also required to deliver research seminar(s), contribute to cluster activities, and to acknowledge ARI in any publications arising from work undertaken at the Institute.

Application process

Interested scholars are invited to email their applications, consisting of:

  1. A completed application form (please click here to download the application form). Please ensure to complete all sections of the form and submit it to us in MS Word or equivalent editable format. If a section is not applicable to your application, please state ‘NA’.
  2. Curriculum Vitae;
  3. Synopsis of the proposed research project (maximum of 8-10 single-spaced pages);
  4. At least one short sample of published work, preferably in English.
  5. It is primarily your responsibility to ensure that two letters of reference are sent to us in confidence via email reporting on your academic standing, potential and proposed research by 3 September 2018.
  6. Reference letters must clearly state your name, position and the cluster(s) that you have applied for.
  7. Closing date for applications is 3 September 2018. You may wish to check with your referees that they have submitted their references before the closing date..

Additional application information

  1. Please note that only fully completed applications will be considered (including submission of the two letters of reference).
  2. Please keep your email and attachments below 10MB by zipping any large files. Files larger than 10MB may be rejected by our email system.
  3. As we receive a high volume of applications, we strongly encourage you to apply well before the closing date.
  4. The appointment is conditional on approval by the National University of Singapore (NUS) and the Ministry of Manpower granting you an Employment Pass or other applicable work passes.
  5. We regret that only successful candidates will be notified (via email). Candidates who do not hear from the University within 10 weeks after the closing date may assume the position has been filled.
  6. Submissions of applications, reference letters and/or queries are to be sent via email to ari_recruit@nus.edu.sg
  7. For further information, please visit our Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs)

Senior research fellowships/research fellowships

You will work under the supervision of the Cluster Leader and take the lead in duties such as organising workshops and conferences, applying for grant funding, participating in current cluster projects, and carrying out new projects. Administrative duties and committee work may be assigned to you from time to time.

 

Eligibility

  1. Applicants must have a PhD from a reputable university, and a developing publication record, preferably in the English Language.
  2. Only candidates with more than 5 years of research experience after their PhD may apply for a Senior Research Fellowship position.

Terms of appointment

  1. The appointment will be tenable for a period of two years in the first instance, with the possibility of another term of two years based upon satisfactory evaluation and available funding (i.e. up to a total of four years).
  2. Applications are invited for commencement in June/July 2019 or December 2019/January 2020
  3. The Senior Research Fellowship comes with a competitive remuneration package from S$6,000 per month, from which university subsidized housing will be deducted.
  4. The Research Fellowship remuneration is from S$5,500 per month. This all-in sum is inclusive of stipends for housing and living expenses. Please note that University Housing will not be provided and appointees are expected to make their own private accommodation arrangements.
  5. Travel assistance will be provided to eligible candidates.
  6. Singapore citizens and permanent residents are eligible for provident fund benefits.
  7. All salary and benefits-in-kind are subjected to taxation in accordance with local tax laws.
  8. There is support for research fieldwork and conference attendance (on application and subject to approval).
  9. Research staff at ARI are expected to participate actively in the life of the Institute, including attendance at seminars, conferences and ARI social events.
  10. Other benefits that the University provides and information about working at NUS and living in Singapore are available at http://www.nus.edu.sg/careers/potentialhires/index.html. Terms and conditions, according to university guidelines, are subject to change without prior notice..

 

Postdoctoral fellowships

You will work under the supervision of the Cluster Leader and shall carry out duties including: organising workshops and conferences, applying for grant funding, participating in current cluster projects, and carrying out new projects. Administrative duties and committee work may be assigned to you from time to time.

Eligibility

  1. Candidates must have fulfilled all requirements of securing a PhD from a reputable university at the time they take up their appointment at ARI.
  2. If you are still a PhD candidate at the point of application, you may also apply provided that you are confirmed for graduation by your commencement date at ARI. An official letter from the Registrar’s Office of your university will be required to confirm the award of your PhD degree.

Terms of appointment

  1. The appointment will be tenable for a period of two years only.
  2. Applications are invited for commencement in June/July 2019 or December 2019/January 2020
  3. PDFs receive an all-inclusive, fixed monthly salary of S$5,500. This all-in sum is inclusive of stipends for housing and living expenses.
  4. A one-off travel assistance grant of S$2,000 will be provided to eligible candidates.
  5. Singapore citizens and permanent residents are eligible for provident fund benefits.
  6. All salary and benefits-in-kind are subjected to taxation in accordance with local tax laws.
  7. Please note that University Housing will not be provided and appointees will have to make their own accommodation arrangements..
  8. There is support for research fieldwork and conference attendance (on application and subject to approval). .
  9. Candidates must have been awarded their PhD within the last 2 years.
  10. Research staff at ARI are expected to participate actively in the life of the Institute, including attendance at seminars, conferences and ARI social events.
  11. Other benefits that the University provides and other information about working
    –    at NUS and living in Singapore are available at http://www.nus.edu.sg/careers/potentialhires/index.html. Terms and conditions, according to university guidelines, are subject to change without prior notice.

Plus d’informations sur : https://ari.nus.edu.sg/Page/ARI-JobOpportunities2018-19#PDF

CFP : Marriage Migration, Family and Citizenship in Asia

CFP : Marriage Migration, Family and Citizenship in Asia, 31 January – 01 February 2019, National University of Singapore

Deadline : 31 August 2018

In recent decades, there has been a marked increase in cross-border marriages in East Asian industrialised economies such as Hong Kong, Taiwan, South Korea and Singapore. Marriage migration and the rise of cross-cultural/cross-national families have the potential to challenge the substance, meanings and boundaries of citizenship. Scholars have argued that ‘social citizenship’ cannot simply be read through a singular focus on the legal framework governing citizenship status. Instead, citizenship should be better understood as ‘a terrain of struggle’ (Stasiulis and Bakan, 1997), shaped by state-led as well as socially embedded ideologies of gender, race and class, and negotiated on an everyday basis within public and private spheres. These forms of negotiation are clearly foregrounded in the case of female marriage migrants, as their citizenship is constrained not only by gendered hierarchies central to the patriarchal family, but also the gendered mode of ‘familial citizenship’ upheld by many Asian nation-states, positioning them as wives and dependents of their citizen-husbands. Incorporated into the private sphere of the family as domestic caregivers and socio-biological reproducers, marriage migrants straddle the ambivalent position of being ‘outsiders’ both within the state and the family. Despite their vulnerable status, some marriage migrants expressed agency in claiming and negotiating citizenship entitlements on grounds of their caregiving roles and socio-biological membership of the family. As a result, the family becomes an important site where citizenship as ‘a terrain of struggle’ typically occurs.

Thus far, extant studies have tended to approach citizenship as an individual-centred concept vis-à-vis the nation-state (Lopez, 2015), thus fading the family into the background. This workshop sets out to go beyond the state-individual nexus by bringing the family back into the discussion of marriage migration and citizenship as contested arenas. As the overarching thematic focus, we propose that the family is a strategic site where citizenship is mediated, negotiated and contested. Using the family as the lens to study marriage migration and citizenship, this workshop aims at drawing out the intersections between the individual, the family and the state. Given that the effects of citizenship laws targeting the non-citizen member are likely to spill over to other citizen members (Fix & Zimmerman, 2001), we also call for a re-conceptualization of citizenship to include family-level experience.

In sum, the workshop focuses on families formed out of cross-border marriages as a case in point to examine how the intricate nexus between marriage migration, family and citizenship emerges and develops in the context of inter-regional marriage migration within Asia or in Asian diasporas. We are particularly interested in marriage migration between Asian countries, given the predominant collectivist and familistic norms in the region. This is also an area that has been given less attention in the literature compared to east-west cross-cultural marriages. Questions to be addressed include, but are not limited to, the following:

  • How do nation-states mobilize notions of ‘the family’ for its citizenship project and what are the repercussions for different types of families?
  • How does citizenship structure the formation, trajectory and outcomes of families resulted from cross-border marriages?
  • How is one’s citizenship negotiated, adapted, or lived at the family level in the case of cross-border marriages?
  • How is citizenship operated within the family through its non-citizen member, i.e. the marriage migrant and/or their children?
  • What are the tensions between the individual, the family and the state when negotiating citizenship boundaries and how are these tensions produced along gender, generation, racial/ethnic lines?

Submission of proposals

Paper proposals should include a title, an abstract (250 words maximum) and a brief personal biography of 150 words for submission by 31 August 2018. Please note that only previously unpublished papers or those not already committed elsewhere can be accepted. The organizers plan to publish a special issue with selected papers presented in this workshop. By participating in the workshop, you agree to participate in the future publication plans of the organizers. Hotel accommodation for three nights and a contribution towards airfare will be provided for accepted paper participants (one author per paper).

Please submit your proposal using the provided template to Ms Tay Minghua at minghua.tay@nus.edu.sg. Notifications of acceptance will be sent out by 30 September 2018. Participants will be required to send in a completed draft paper (6,000-8,000 words) by 4 January 2019.

Plus d’informations sur : https://ari.nus.edu.sg/Event/Detail/86d486f0-62f2-4151-9333-91ba68327594

 

 

 

CFP : Southeast Asian Media Studies

CFP : Southeast Asian Media Studies

The Southeast Asian Media Studies is the international, semi-annual, blind peer-reviewed, and open-access scholarly journal of the Southeast Asian Media Studies Association (SEAMSA), an academic community that aims to be at the forefront of Southeast Asian media studies and research.

CFP : Volume 1, n° 1 & 2
October 2018 : Vol. 1, n° 1
December 2018 : Vol. 1, n° 2

Special focus
Explorations in Southeast Asian Media Studies: Theories, Trajectories, and Futures

Recommended topics
The first two issues of the journal aim to provide a collection of theoretical and discursive articles on Southeast Asian media studies and literacy. The recommended topics are the following:

  • Definitions, status, and directions of Southeast Asian media studies
  • Authorship of Southeast Asian media studies: Who should do/write it?
  • Emerging media theories in and about Southeast Asian mass and new media
  • Practices and methods in Southeast Asian media studies
  • Critical reviews of media studies in and about Southeast Asian mass and new media
  • Media literacies in Southeast Asia
  • Audiences in Southeast Asia
  • Media technologies and processes and the Southeast Asian populace
  • Media convergence in Southeast Asian contexts
  • Southeast Asian politics and the media
  • Media laws, policies, and regulations in the ASEAN region
  • Business, ownership, management, and control of Southeast Asian mass media
  • Southeast Asian cultures and the media
  • Southeast Asian mainstream, local, translocal, diasporic, and indigenous media practices
  • Southeast Asian languages and the media
  • Genders and identities in Southeast Asian media
  • Southeast Asian media and the environment

Submission procedure
All submissions must be original and may not be under review by another journal or any academic publication. Authors should follow the journal’s manuscript guidelines.

All manuscripts should be sent to editor.seams@gmail.com. Please use the subject “SUBMISSION: Vol.1 No.1&2_Surname_Short Title” (e.g. SUBMISSION: Vol.1 No.1&2_Doe_A Review of Southeast Asian Media Theories). The deadline for manuscripts for both issues is on 15 August 2018.

Voir : https://seamediastudies.wordpress.com/call-for-papers/

What has gone wrong in Cambodia ?

CAMBODIA : UN COLLECTS BALLOT BOXES (Photo by noboru hashimoto/Corbis via Getty Images)

« What has gone wrong in Cambodia ? » by Milton Osbourne, 19/07/2018, The Interpreter (Lowy Institute)

Concerns ahead of Cambodia’s elections on 29 July centre on the judgement that under Prime Minister Hun Sen the country has become increasingly authoritarian in political character while the government – through a range of parliamentary and judicial actions, and backed by absolute control of the forces of order – has eliminated any viable political opposition to ensure its electoral return.

How did we arrive at this state of affairs in which there is now very little external actors can, or will, do to prevent Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party staying in office? Even if an unlikely election result occurs, with Hun Sen’s government voted out, it seems certain he would use all means, including force if necessary, to remain in power.

A brief review of Cambodia’s political history since the UN-supervised elections of 1993 is needed to understand the present situation.

The “original sin” that led to this set of circumstances occurred when the international community stepped back from involvement in Cambodia’s affairs and allowed the CPP to remain the dominant political force in the country, despite having lost the popular vote in the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC)–supervised elections in 1993. With Hun Sen and the CPP refusing to accept defeat, the compromise arrangements that were cobbled together left all real power in their hands.

As David Chandler notes of the political opposition at the time in his A History of Cambodia, “The royalist party soon lost its voice in decision making as well as its freedom of manoeuvre.”

Tired of the problems in Cambodia that had been exercising Western governments for more than a decade, no external players intervened to change the course of events. Similarly, there was never any sign at that stage that Moscow and Beijing had any interest in becoming directly involved in opposing the CPP’s actions.

The complex political history of the period from 1993 to 1997 is well documented in David W. Roberts’ Political Transition in Cambodia: Power, Elitism and Democracy. A disclosure: I reviewed this book for Pacific Affairs in 2001 and commented that it could be read as a justification for Hun Sen’s political behaviour. But I found persuasive, then and now, his endorsement of a view offered by long-term observer of Cambodia Steve Heder that the key players of the period – Sihanouk, Sam Rainsy, and Ranariddh – were all characterised by “deeply illiberal, anti-democratic and anti-pluralist tendencies”.

This lack of action in 1993 was followed by the unwillingness of external players to take any measures that mattered after Hun Sen’s brutal coup de force in July 1997 that saw the CPP overwhelm Prince Ranariddh’s FUNCINPEC.

Lire la suite sur : https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/what-has-gone-wrong-cambodia

The Pain Haka burial ground on Flores : Indonesian evidence for a shared Neolithic belief system in Southeast Asia

The Pain Haka burial ground on Flores : Indonesian evidence for a shared Neolithic belief system in Southeast Asia, Antiquity, vol. 90, n° 354, December 2016

Article en libre accès

Abstract

Recent excavations at the coastal cemetery of Pain Haka on Flores have revealed evidence of burial practices similar to those documented in other parts of Southeast Asia. Chief among these is the use of pottery jars alongside other forms of container for the interment of the dead. The dating of the site combined with the fact that this burial practice is present over such a wide geographic area suggests a widespread belief system during the Neolithic period across much of Southeast Asia.

A télécharger sur : https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/antiquity/article/pain-haka-burial-ground-on-flores-indonesian-evidence-for-a-shared-neolithic-belief-system-in-southeast-asia/314A2E3F53E1D81908983446B369855A