Archives par mot-clé : Armée

Talking Indonesia: 20 years of military reform

Talking Indonesia: 20 years of military reform, 07/06/2018, Indonesia at Melbourne

The military has always played a prominent role in the Indonesian nation. Under the New Order, it was elevated to the dual role (dwifungsi) of maintaining law and order and participating in governance but was also guilty of gross human rights abuses. After the fall of the New Order in 1998, the military was forced to undergo extensive reforms, which included the withdrawal of the military from civilian and governmental affairs. However, 20 years after the beginning of post-Suharto reforms, the military has yet to acknowledge or come to terms with its role in some of the darkest moments in Indonesian history, such as the anti-communist killings of 1965-66.

Over recent years, analysts have noticed the military’s growing influence over political and civilian affairs. The popularity of former military leaders like Prabowo Subianto has also led many to comment that there seems to be a nostalgia for a more militaristic style of leadership among the public. Are we witnessing the return of the military in Indonesian politics? How has the military been able to maintain its centrality in Indonesian society over the decades?

I explore these issues with historian Dr Jess Melvin, Postdoctoral Associate at the Sydney Southeast Asia Centre at the University of Sydney. Dr Melvin was previously Henry Hart Rice Faculty Fellow in Southeast Asian Studies and a Postdoctoral Fellow in Genocide Studies at Yale University. Dr Melvin’s first book “The Army and the Indonesian Genocide: Mechanics of Mass Murder”, was published in early 2018 by Routledge.

The Talking Indonesia podcast is co-hosted by Dr Charlotte Setijadi  from the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore, Dr Dave McRae from the University of Melbourne’s Asia Institute, Dr Jemma Purdey  from Monash University, and Dr Dirk Tomsa  from La Trobe University.

Look out for a new Talking Indonesia podcast every fortnight. Catch up on previous episodes here, subscribe via iTunes or listen via your favourite podcasting app.

A écouter sur : http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/talking-indonesia-20-years-of-military-reform/

 

For Myanmar’s Army, Ethnic Bloodletting Is Key to Power and Riches

« For Myanmar’s Army, Ethnic Bloodletting Is Key to Power and Riches » by Richard C. Paddock, 27/01/2018, The New York Times

For Myanmar’s army, the campaign of atrocity it has waged to drive hundreds of thousands of ethnic Rohingya Muslims out of the country is no innovation. The force was born in blood 76 years ago and has been shedding it ever since.

Its founders, known as the Thirty Comrades, established the army in 1941 with a ghoulish ceremony in Bangkok, where they drew each other’s blood with a single syringe, mixed it in a silver bowl and drank it to seal their vow of loyalty.

The army that they formed led the nation to independence in 1948. But except for a brief, initial period of peace, it has spent the last seven decades warring with its own people.

The army, known as the Tatmadaw, seized power from the civilian government in Burma, as the country is also known, in 1962. The military killed thousands of protesters to keep power in 1988 and suppressed another popular uprising, the Saffron Revolution, in 2007.

In constant fighting with ethnic minorities, the Tatmadaw has displaced millions of people while taking billions of dollars in profit from jade mines, teak forests and other natural resources. Its strategy has been to fight ethnic rebels to a standstill, manage the conflicts through cease-fires and enrich its officers.

“There has never been any sense of needing to win hearts and minds,” said Zachary Abuza, a professor at the National War College in Washington. “The Tatmadaw’s doctrine is based on total submission by the population through fear. And to that end, there is little they will not do.”

Though it holds itself up as the protector of Myanmar’s people, the military has a long history of murdering civilians, torturing and executing prisoners, committing rape, conscripting child soldiers, impressing convicts as porters and making civilians walk ahead of its troops to trip land mines.

Lire la suite sur : https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/27/world/asia/myanmar-military-ethnic-cleansing.html?

2017 Holland Prize Shortlist Pacific Affairs

2017 Holland Prize Shortlist Pacific Affairs

Professionals and Soldiers: Measuring Professionalism in the Thai Military by Punchada Sirivunnabood (Mahidol University, Nakhorn Phatom, Thailand), Jacob Isaac Ricks (Singapore Management University, Singapore), Pacific Affaires, vol. 89, n° 1, March 2016

Abstract

Thailand’s military has recently reclaimed its role as the central pillar of Thai politics. This raises an enduring question in civil-military relations: why do people with guns choose to obey those without guns? One of the most prominent theories in both academic and policy circles is Samuel Huntington’s argument that professional militaries do not become involved in politics. We engage this premise in the Thai context. Utilizing data from a new and unique survey of 569 Thai military officers as well as results from focus groups and interviews with military officers, we evaluate the attitudes of Thai servicemen and develop a test of Huntington’s hypothesis. We demonstrate that increasing levels of professionalism are generally poor predictors as to whether or not a Thai military officer prefers an apolitical military. Indeed, our research suggests that higher levels of professionalism as described by Huntington may run counter to civilian control of the military. These findings provide a number of contributions. First, the survey allows us to operationalize and measure professionalism at the individual level. Second, using these measures we are able to empirically test Huntington’s hypothesis that more professional soldiers should prefer to remain apolitical. Finally, we provide an uncommon glimpse at the opinions of Thai military officers regarding military interventions, adding to the relatively sparse body of literature on factors internal to the Thai military which push officers toward politics.

A lire sur : http://pacificaffairs.sites.olt.ubc.ca/files/2017/05/pdfHollandShortlistSirivunnabood_Ricks.pdf

Why Are Gender Reforms Adopted in Singapore? Party Pragmatism and Electoral Incentives by Netina Tan (McMaster University, Hamilton, Canada), Pacific Affairs, vol. 89, n° 1, March 2016

Abstract

In Singapore, the percentage of elected female politicians rose from 3.8 percent in 1984 to 22.5 percent after the 2015 general election. After years of exclusion, why were gender reforms adopted and how did they lead to more women in political office? Unlike South Korea and Taiwan, this paper shows that in Singapore party pragmatism rather than international diffusion of gender equality norms, feminist lobbying, or rival party pressures drove gender reforms. It is argued that the ruling People’s Action Party’s (PAP) strategic and electoral calculations to maintain hegemonic rule drove its policy u-turn to nominate an average of about 17.6 percent female candidates in the last three elections. Similar to the PAP’s bid to capture women voters in the 1959 elections, it had to alter its patriarchal, conservative image to appeal to the younger, progressive electorate in the 2000s. Additionally, Singapore’s electoral system that includes multi-member constituencies based on plurality party bloc vote rule also makes it easier to include women and diversify the party slate. But despite the strategic and electoral incentives, a gender gap remains. Drawing from a range of public opinion data, this paper explains why traditional gender stereotypes, biased social norms, and unequal family responsibilities may hold women back from full political participation.

A lire sur : http://pacificaffairs.sites.olt.ubc.ca/files/2017/05/pdfHollandshortlistTan.pdf