Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies, vol. 54, n° 1, 2018

Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies, vol. 54, n° 1, 2018

Table of Contents

Survey of Recent Developments

  • Can Indonesia Secure a Development Dividend from Its Resource Export Boom? by Rashesh Shrestha & Ian Coxhead

Other Articles

  • Tax Non-Compliance and Perceptions of Corruption: Policy Implications for Developing Countries by Arifin Rosid, Chris Evans & Binh Tran-Nam
  • Property-Price Determinants in Indonesia by Matthew Gnagey & Ryan Tans
  • Regional Disparity in the Body Mass Index Distribution of Indonesians: New Evidence Beyond The Mean by Toshiaki Aizawa

Note

  • Predictability, Price Bubbles, and Efficiency in the Indonesian Stock-Market by Fahad Almudhaf

Book Reviews

  • Michaela Haug, Martin Rössler, Anna-Teresa Grumblies (eds), Rethinking Power Relations in Indonesia: Transforming the Margins by Thomas P. Power
  • Hans Hägerdal, Held’s History of Sumbawa: An Annotated Translation by William G. Clarence-Smith
  • Eko Saputro, Indonesia and ASEAN Plus Three Financial Cooperation: Domestic Politics, Power Relations, and Regulatory Regionalism by Joel Rathus

Voir : https://www.tandfonline.com/toc/cbie20/54/1

 

 

 

 

 

Journal of Contemporary Asia, vol. 48, n° 4, 2018

Journal of Contemporary Asia, vol. 48, n° 4, 2018
Crisis, Populism and Right-wing Politics in Asia

Table of Contents

Original Articles

  • Asia’s Conservative Moment: Understanding the Rise of the Right by Priya Chacko & Kanishka Jayasuriya
  • The Right Turn in India: Authoritarianism, Populism and Neoliberalisation by Priya Chacko
  • Imagine All the People? Mobilising Islamic Populism for Right-Wing Politics in Indonesia by Vedi R. Hadiz
  • Authoritarian Statism and the New Right in Asia’s Conservative Democracies by Kanishka Jayasuriya
  • Limited Pluralism in a Liberal Democracy: Party Law and Political Incorporation in South Korea by Erik Mobrand
  • The Australian Right in the “Asian Century”: Inequality and Implications for Social Democracy by Carol Johnson
  • Creating Surplus Labour: Neo-Liberal Transformations and the Development of Relative Surplus Population in Indonesia by Muhtar Habibi

Commentary

  • Excessive Use of Deadly Force by Police in the Philippines Before Duterte by Peter Kreuzer

Book Reviews

  • Alpa Shah, Jens Lerche, Richard Axelby, Dalel Benbabaali, Brendan Donegan, Jayaseelan Raj and Vikramaditya Thakur, Ground Down by Growth: Tribe, Caste, Class and Inequality in Twenty-First Century India by Kenneth Bo Nielsen
  • Ashley South and Mary Lall (eds), Citizenship in Myanmar: Ways of Being In and From Burma by Gerry van Klinken

Voir : https://www.tandfonline.com/toc/rjoc20/48/4

 

 

 

The Lao dam collapse: a tragedy long in the making

« The Lao dam collapse: a tragedy long in the making » by Bruce Shoemaker, 03/08/2018, New Mandala

The partial collapse of a newly constructed dam in Laos has killed dozens of local villagers and devastated the lives and livelihoods of thousands—and in doing so exposed cracks in the hydropower agenda of the country’s one-party government. The South Korean and Thai companies spearheading the Xe Pian-Xe Namnoy project initially tried to write off the collapse as a natural disaster induced by heavy rains. However, this was very much an avoidable manmade tragedy caused by poor design, construction and operation.

While the Xe Pian-Xe Namnoy tragedy is particularly acute, the rush to transform Laos into “the battery of Southeast Asia” through rapid construction of large hydropower across the country is already a widespread, if largely unacknowledged, human rights and environmental disaster.

In a highly restrictive one-party state in which local people have no freedom of expression or access to independent media, and civil society is severely constrained, tens of thousands of people are being forcibly resettled to make way for large-scale hydropower projects and other infrastructure.

Many more communities downstream from these projects, dependent on migratory fish and other river resources for income and food security, have lost livelihoods and food sources without acknowledgement or redress. Some projects are being built in what are legally protected conservation areas, causing severe impacts on areas of high biodiversity significance. Xe Pian-Xe Namnoy was no exception.

Lire la suite sur : http://www.newmandala.org/lao-dam-collapse-tragedy-long-making/

The Painting That Is Painted With Poetry Is Profoundly Beautiful

« The Painting That Is Painted With Poetry Is Profoundly Beautiful – Tang Chang » by Nora Taylor, Jul/Aug 2018, ArtAsiaPacific

Chills ran down my spine as I peered into the vitrine positioned toward the end of the late Tang Chang’s solo exhibition at the Smart Museum of Art, so beautifully and adeptly curated by Orianna Cacchione. On a faded sheet of paper was the word “gunman,” handwritten in English, and repeated in a pattern that resembles a monument. In the top right-hand corner, the word “democracy” appeared; at the bottom right was the date 1978. The Thai artist was referring to the suppression of the student protest against the return of Thanom Kittikachorn, an exiled military dictator, which had taken place two years earlier in Bangkok. That event, known as the October 1976 massacre, had led to the deaths of many at the hands of the Thai military. Yet, reading those words in the south of Chicago, I immediately thought of the recent and persistent shootings that have taken place in American schools. That a Thai artist—a self-described Buddhist, no less—would capture the mood of our violent times in such a poetic way was moving.

There were several other poems shaped like the Democracy Monument. Kill was one of them, and Democracy of Dictatorship (both 1978), written in Thai, was another. Many of the words were barely legible, appearing like scribbles, but their repetition created drawings, interwoven lines and shapes. I begin this review by mentioning these poems, even though Chang was also a painter and the exhibition included many of his paintings, because after walking through the rooms that held them, I could barely distinguish the poems from the paintings and vice versa. The title that the curator chose for the exhibition made complete sense. Poetry comes first, and is the medium for the paintings.

The exhibition at the Smart Museum is the first solo exhibition of Chang’s works outside of Thailand and the first to be held in the United States.

Lire la suite sur : http://artasiapacific.com/Magazine/109/ThePaintingThatIsPaintedWithPoetryIsProfoundlyBeautiful

Talking Indonesia: local leadership

« Talking Indonesia: local leadership » by Bima Arya Sugiarto, 02/08/2018, Indonesia at Melbourne

The 2018 regional elections brought victories for several candidates who have made a name for themselves as innovative and reform-oriented. Thanks to their successes in raising living standards, making local bureaucracies more efficient and creating urgently needed public spaces, young leaders such as Ridwan Kamil, Ganjar Pranowo, Nurdin Abdullah and Bima Arya Sugiarto won convincing election victories in some of Indonesia’s most populous regions.

But can this new breed of local leaders really change entrenched patterns of politics in Indonesia? How do they navigate established patronage channels? And how do they see their place within the broader political environment in Indonesia today?

In Talking Indonesia this week, Dr Dirk Tomsa discusses these and other questions with one of these young politicians, Dr Bima Arya Sugiarto, the recently re-elected mayor of Bogor.

A écouter sur : http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/talking-indonesia-local-leadership/

P’teah Cambodia project website

P’teah Cambodia project website

P’Teah Cambodia is co-directed by Drs. Miriam Stark and Alison Carter in collaboration with colleagues from the Battambang Department of Culture and the Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts, Cambodia.

Miriam Stark has worked in Cambodia since 1995, first as co-director of the Lower Mekong Archaeological Project (LOMAP) and more recently with the Greater Angkor Project. She is Professor of Anthropology and Director of the Center for Southeast Asian Studies at the University of Hawaii.

Alison Carter began working with Dr. Stark and the LOMAP project in 2005 and with the Greater Angkor Project in 2011. In 2015, she co-directed an excavation of a house mound within the Angkor Wat temple enclosure. She is Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the University of Oregon.

ProjecT Excavating Ancient Households

P’teah​ or ផ្ទះ is the Khmer word for house. We call our project P’teah Cambodia because we investigate ancient residential spaces from the Pre-Angkorian (6-8th centuries), Angkorian (8-15th centuries CE), and Post-Angkorian (15-17th centuries CE) periods.

Angkor is one of the largest preindustrial settlements in the world and has been the focus of substantial scholarly attention. Despite more than a century of epigraphic, art historical, and architectural research, however, we still know little about the people of Angkor: who built the temples, kept the shrines running, produced food, managed the water, and farmed the crops that supported the empire. Studying past households and their activities is important for understanding daily practices of people in the past. Our project explores the roles of households and non-elites in the Cambodian past.

Our current fieldwork takes place around Prasat Basaet, near the city of Battambang in northwest Cambodia. Most recent archaeological attention since 1995 has focused on the structure and function of the Angkorian capital (or Greater Angkor), where our project worked from 2010-2015. Greater Angkor, however, was connected to and dependent upon large provincial centers, whose administrators channeled goods and labor to the capital. Battambang was one of the most arable regions of the Angkorian polity, and has a deep record of archaeological occupation that extends into the early Holocene and perhaps before. Our work examines how provincial populations became enmeshed in the Angkorian state. Did Angkorian power in the provinces wax and wane with different rulers? What was the economic relationship between the provincial areas and the Angkorian capital? How did people in the provinces interact with their environment and deal with the climatic changes that facilitated the rise and demise of Angkor? Such information is essential to building a comprehensive history of Angkorian Cambodia.

Voir : https://sites.google.com/view/pteah-cambodia/home

IS in the Philippines and the Battle of Marawi: a new appraisal

« IS in the Philippines and the Battle of Marawi: a new appraisal » by Luke Lichin, 31/07/2018, New Mandala

Nine months since the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) retook the city of Marawi from a coalition of Islamic State (IS) affiliated groups, resulting in the deaths of at least 802 militants, 160 government forces, and 47 civilians, President Rodrigo Duterte signed the Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL).

The legislation grants political and financial autonomy to a new Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in the Southern Philippines after decades of insurgency and years of tumultuous peace negotiations. Promisingly, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) voiced its satisfaction with the legislation, and is working towards the next steps of implementation, including the decommissioning of 30,000-40,000 fighters. Nevertheless, the BOL must still overcome a range of challenges, including efforts by IS-affiliates to spoil the prospect of peace in Mindanao and Sulu.

Speaking on behalf of the IS-aligned faction of the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF), Abu Misri Mama derided the BOL as an agreement that will benefit only the MILF, and warned of future attacks in response. Although the AFP dismissed the threat as empty propaganda, continuing clashes with the BIFF in Maguindanao and Cotabato lend credibility to Abu Misri Mama’s announcement. The BIFF, like the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) and the Maute Group, reject the notion of autonomy for Muslims in the Southern Philippines, and seek to create an IS Wilayat (province) in Southeast Asia; a casus belli that resonates with and attracts fighters from Mindanao, Sulu, and abroad.

Small and fragmented though they are, the BIFF, the ASG, and the Maute Group are resilient organisations that have defied the AFP’s attempts to stamp them out, and there is no better illustration of that resilience than the AFP’s victory in Marawi.

Lire la suite sur : http://www.newmandala.org/philippines-battle-marawi-new-appraisal/

50 shades of yellow: how conservatism overwhelmed liberalism in the anti-Thaksin movement

« 50 shades of yellow: how conservatism overwhelmed liberalism in the anti-Thaksin movement » by Kanokrat Leertchoosakul, 01/08/2018, New Mandala

« Of the 100 PAD members I interviewed, 76 had previously never actively participated in a political movement. 63 had not even followed political news before their foray into protesting with the yellow shirts. »

At its incipience, the movement against Thaksin Shinawatra (and his subsequent nominee governments) compromised a motley—even contradictory—crew of groups loyal to diverse ideologies and political standpoints. This is a history now easily forgotten. They ranged from conservatives genuinely opposed to democracy and bent on defending nationalism and monarchism, to factions who mobilised to defend democratic ideals and who were resolutely wary of nationalism and royalism.

During the People’s Alliance for Democracy’s (PAD) early days, most of the movement’s conservatives members constituted the rank and file. In contrast, several leaders who exercised managing authority over protest sites came from liberal backgrounds. As one anonymous leader of the movement in Udon Thani remarked, “The Rajabhat rally was organised [by liberals] because we had experience in managing crowds. No one else did”. How was it that this heterogeneous network eventually mobilised down a progressively conservative direction, whereby royalist, nationalist and anti-democratic forces overwhelmed the movement?

I argue conservative mobilisation strategies married two previously disparate networks: first, scattered right-wing groups and second, an apolitical middle-class mass. Right-wing networks, once weak and diffuse, were brought together by the need to mobilise a popular base and in doing so forged a relatively united front. Simultaneously, these right-wing leaders attracted through the discourse of “Threat, Big Crisis, Action Is Needed Now” (ภัยคุกคาม-วิกฤตครั้งใหญ่-ต้องทำอะไรเดี๋ยวนี้) the support of members of the middle-class who had never before participated in a political movement—who were subsequently “politically awakened”.

When these two networks coalesced, conservative elements overwhelmed the movement against Thaksin in terms of numbers, bargaining power and resources, progressively squeezing out liberal elements. I base my genealogy of how the movement against Thaksin took on a conservative zeal—something that we may now take for granted—on interviews with 100 people who once mobilised against the tycoon-cum-politician. Interviewees came from 13 provinces across four of the country’s regions.

Lire la suite sur : http://www.newmandala.org/50-shades-yellow-conservatism-overwhelmed-liberalism-anti-thaksin-movement/

No need for Magic: A simple trick for the display of a Batak manuscript

« No need for Magic: A simple trick for the display of a Batak manuscript » by Julia Poirier, 13/07/2018, Chester Beatty Conservation

Amongst the treasures at the Chester Beatty is a small collection of 51 Batak manuscripts – 45 bark books, 4 inscribed bamboos, 1 bone amulet and one paper manuscript. Hailing from North Sumatra in Indonesia, the oldest of these manuscripts is dated to the 19th century. The Batak manuscript culture encompasses written texts on various organic materials including bamboo, bone and tree bark. The bark books, also known as pustaha are divination books, although other subjects such as medicine and magic are also common.

In preparation for a rotation of the Batak display case in the Sacred Traditions gallery, I condition checked four bark manuscripts. They were all in good condition and required very little attention, with the exception of one object (CBL Sum 1102).

The bark concertina manuscripts vary in size from some which are small enough to fit in the palm of your hand, to others which are around A4 in size. They are made of two wooden covers glued to a folded textblock made from the bark of the alim tree or agarwood. The stiff bark is prepared in rice water to allow it to soften and be folded into a concertina book.

In the typical East Asian fashion, lacquer was used to seal off the raw edges of the bark at head and tail of the concertina textblock. This provided extra strength to the most vulnerable part of the exposed textblock.

Inside the textblock, the text runs vertically in plain black ink, following the folds in the concertina. There are additions of elaborate illustrations and tables within the text, sometimes highlighted in red ink.

Lire la suite sur : https://chesterbeattyconservation.wordpress.com/2018/07/13/no-need-for-magic-a-simple-trick-for-the-display-of-a-batak-manuscript/

Fakes or Fancies? Some ‘problematic’ islamic manuscripts from South East Asia

« Fakes or Fancies? Some ‘problematic’ islamic manuscripts from South East Asia » by Annabel Teh Gallop in Manuscript Cultures 10 (2017)

This article focuses solely on ‘Islamic’ manuscripts from
South East Asia, namely those manuscripts written in Arabic
script, containing texts in Arabic and Malay, and occasionally
in Javanese. The indelible association between Islam and
the Arabic script – the vehicle for the word of God in the
Qur’an – lends itself to a widespread and convenient market
perception of all manuscripts written in forms of the Arabic
script as inherently ‘Islamic’, irrespective of their contents.
Thus a manuscript of the Hikayat Perang Pandawa Jaya –
the story of the final fight of the Pandawa brothers from the
Mahabharata – written on paper, in Malay in the extended
form of Arabic script known as Jawi, might easily appear

in an auction sale in London of Islamic manuscripts, while a manuscript of the Serat Yusup, the Muslim story of the

Prophet Joseph, written on palm leaf in Javanese language
and the Javanese script which is of Indic script, would attract
little interest in the international Islamic art market. And it
is indeed the rapid expansion of the international market in
Islamic art over the past three decades that has precipitated
the writing of this article.
This surge of interest in London was mirrored by a
simi lar flurry of activity on the other side of the world,
due to the collecting activities of two large institutions in
Malaysia. In the early 1980s, the Department for Islamic
Affairs (Bahagian Hal Ehwal Islam, BAHEIS) – now known
as the Department for the Propagation of Islam (Jabatan
Kemajuan Islam Malaysia, JAKIM) – in the Prime Minister’s
Department of Malaysia embarked on an ambitious project
to collect Islamic cultural artefacts including manuscripts.
More than 3,600 manuscripts in Arabic, Malay and other
languages were acquired in a relatively short period, in­
cluding over 300 Qur’ans, mainly from South East Asia.
Since 1998 the JAKIM collection has been on loan to the
Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia (IAMM), Kuala Lumpur.
The second important event was the foundation in 1984 of
the Malay Manuscripts Centre (Pusat Manuskrip Melayu)
at the National Library of Malaysia (Perpustakaan Negara
Malaysia, PNM), whose collection now numbers over 4,700
manuscripts primarily in Malay, but including about 40
Qur’ans. Other smaller institutions in South East Asia, as
well as a number of private collectors, also actively began
to acquire Islamic manuscripts in the 1980s and 1990s. In
Indonesia, a major revival of interest can be traced to the
Festival Istiqlal held in Jakarta in 1991, which included
the first major exhibition of Qur’an manuscripts from the

archipelago.

A télécharger sur : https://www.manuscript-cultures.uni-hamburg.de/MC/articles/mc10_gallop.pdf

Democracy Bites the Dust in Cambodia but Glimmers of Hope Remain

« Democracy Bites the Dust in Cambodia but Glimmers of Hope Remain » by Sophal Ear, 01/08/2018, TheNewsLens

As the red dust settles on Cambodia’s soil following the hubbub of last weekend’s election, questions hang in the air over what just really happened.

The short answer is that Hun Sen, who has ruled Cambodia as the world’s longest serving prime minister since 1985, is basking in the prospect of another five years in power.

The official results suggest that the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) won all 125 seats in parliament, with 77.5 percent of the vote on the back of turnout of 80.5 percent.

This result, which had been on the cards since the forced dissolution and subsequent exile of the main opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) last November, represents nothing less than the death of the democracy in Cambodia.

Lire la suite sur : https://international.thenewslens.com/article/100977

 

Talking Indonesia: the 2018 regional elections

Talking Indonesia: the 2018 regional elections, 05/07/2018, Indonesia at Melbourne

On 27 June, Indonesia held elections for mayors and governors in 154 districts and 17 provinces. It was the third and final round of such regional elections – referred to as pilkada – in this five year electoral cycle.

The 2018 pilkada were particularly significant, for several reasons. They included gubernatorial elections in five provinces that between them account for more than half of Indonesia’s population: West Java, Central Java, East Java, North Sumatra and South Sulawesi.

It was also the first opportunity to observe how the divisive dynamics of the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial elections might affect future elections. And with the national legislative and presidential elections now less than a year away, in April 2019, these local elections have been watched closely for any clues as to how next year’s political contests might play out.

In this week’s Talking Indonesia podcast, Dr Dave McRae discusses this round of local elections, their results and their broader implications with a panel of leading political observers: Dr Charlotte Setijadi (ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute and Talking Indonesia co-host), Dr Philips Vermonte (executive director of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, CSIS) and Dr Eve Warburton (ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute).

A écouter sur : http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/talking-indonesia-the-2018-regional-elections/

2018 regional elections: why is there a disconnect between local and national politics?

« 2018 regional elections: why is there a disconnect between local and national politics? » by Abdil Mughis Mudhoffir and Rafiqa Qurrata A’yun, 18/07/2018, Indonesia at Melbourne

In late June, Indonesia held elections for district heads, mayors and governors in 171 regions. Many observers predicted the elections would exacerbate the polarisation of society — between Islamists on one hand and nationalists on the other — mirroring the dynamics of the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election.

Religious identity politics did play a role in some local election outcomes, as we discuss below. However, observers also predicted the local elections would reflect political alliances at the national level. In fact, most coalitions supporting candidates at the local level represented different political alliances and different divisions to those seen at the national level.

If anything, the regional elections demonstrated that there is no decisive ideological line differentiating most parties from the others. Political alliances are highly flexible and there appear to be no definitive political enemies.

For example, at the national level, Gerindra and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) are opposition parties, but in local contests they readily align themselves with the same parties they oppose at the national level. Interestingly, decisions to build local political alliances are often made by the members of the party’s central board, not the local branches.

Lire la suite sur : http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/2018-regional-elections-why-is-there-a-disconnect-between-local-and-national-politics/

Trading blows: NU versus PKS

« Trading blows: NU versus PKS » by Greg Fealy, 10/07/2018, Indonesia at Melbourne

How did a visit to Israel by a senior Islamic figure lead to members of Indonesia’s largest Islamic organisation, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), accusing the nation’s second largest Islamic party, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), of behaving like communists who are out to destroy Indonesia? This is a tale about the fevered state of Islamic discourse in Indonesia, one nurtured in the hothouse of social media. It has been fuelled by long-standing and deepening doctrinal animosities as well as competing political interests. Its resonance will be felt in next year’s legislative and presidential elections.

The saga began in early June, when Yahya Cholil Staquf, the secretary of NU’s Religious Council (PB Syuriah) and a member of President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s Advisory Council (Wantimpres) visited Israel. He travelled at the invitation of the advocacy group the American Jewish Committee (AJC) and gave a series of public lectures as well as met political and religious leaders and academics.

Yahya claimed he went to Israel out of concern for the Palestinians and a desire to foster peace in the Middle East. He also invoked the name of Abdurrahman Wahid (“Gus Dur”), Indonesia’s fourth president and former NU chair, who visited Israel on numerous occasions and served on the advisory board of the Peres Centre for Peace. Yahya ignored advice from many of his NU colleagues not to go and travelled without the approval of the NU Central Board.

News of the visit broke in the Islamic media on 9 June, sparking immediate controversy. When, a few days later, the Israeli press carried pictures of Yahya shaking hands with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Islamist groups reacted angrily, calling on NU and President Widodo to censure or dismiss him for undercutting Indonesia’s long-standing pro-Palestinian policy and for playing into the hands of an Israeli government that had only recently shot dead more than 50 Palestinians on the Gaza border. Criticism of Yahya sharpened when it was reported that he failed to meet any Palestinian leaders and had been “severely censured” by Hamas in a press statement on 11 June.

Lire la suite sur : http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/trading-blows-nu-versus-pks/