Archives par mot-clé : Politique

The Anniversary of a Massacre and the Death of a Monarch

The Anniversary of a Massacre and the Death of a Monarch by Tyrell Haberkorn in The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 76, n° 2 (mai 2017)

As part of this year’s anniversary of the October 6, 1976, massacre at Thammasat University, an outdoor exhibit of photographs of the violence and the three preceding years of student and other social movements was displayed upon the very soccer field in the center of campus where students were beaten, shot, lynched, and murdered forty years prior. Several of the photographs were printed on large sheets of acrylic and positioned such that the images of the buildings in the photographs were aligned with the actual buildings, which remain largely unchanged. The most striking of these was a photograph of hundreds of students stripped to the waist who were lying face down on the soccer field prior to being arrested and taken away. At the edge of the image was the top of the university’s iconic dome building, which lined up with the existing building. The organizers explained that their intention was “to reflect a perspective on the past through the eyes of people in the present in order to show the cruelty of humans to one another.” The proximity generated by the image was underlined by the fact that the fortieth anniversary of the massacre and coup in 1976 that led to twelve years of dictatorship was taking place under yet another dictatorship, that of a military junta calling itself the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), which seized power on May 22, 2014, in the twelfth coup since the end of the absolute monarchy on June 24, 1932. Suchada Chakphisut, founding editor of Sarakadee magazine and Thai Civil Rights and Investigative Journalism, who was a first-year Thammasat student during the massacre, began her autobiographical account of the day, written for the anniversary this year, by writing: “We meet every year when 6 October comes around, and with it an inexplicable sadness always takes hold of my psyche. It has grown even more devastating since the 22 May 2014 coup, in which we must face the news of the arrest and detention of activists and those who oppose dictatorship.” This was not a commemoration after dictatorship such as those of the same era held in Argentina or Chile during recent years of democratization, but memories of dictatorship in situ.

A télécharger sur : https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-asian-studies/article/anniversary-of-a-massacre-and-the-death-of-a-monarch/4FD9FA295086CE51B654BCAD342D1F88

A Lexicon of Repression in Thailand

A Lexicon of Repression in Thailand by Tyrell Haberkorn, 14/06/2017, AsiaNow (AAS blog)

In an essay for the May 2017 issue of the Journal of Asian Studies (“The Anniversary of a Massacre and the Death of a Monarch,” currently free to download), I reflect on the fortieth anniversary of the 6 October 1976 massacre, when state and para-state forces brutally murdered unarmed students at Thammasat University in Bangkok. Unresolved questions about the possible role of the institution of the monarchy in the massacre have been a primary factor both ensuring impunity for the perpetrators and constricting public discussion about the massacre. The anniversary events, held under the military regime of the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) and marked by calls for recognition of the humanity of those killed, directly challenged the ongoing impunity of the perpetrators of the massacre. One week after the anniversary, Rama IX, Bhumipol Adulyadej, died and the crown prince, Maha Vajiralongkorn, was named his successor as Rama X.

One of the primary features of the NCPO’s regime has been a sharp spike in prosecution of alleged cases of lèse-majesté, the very accusation used to catalyze the 6 October 1976 massacre. Rightists alleged that the students had staged a mock hanging of the crown prince. My JAS essay on the fortieth anniversary ends with what was then an open question about how the use of the accusation of lèse-majesté may or may not change during the reign of Rama X.

As another anniversary passes, the question is now a markedly less open one. On 22 May 2017, the third anniversary of the coup by the NCPO passed in Thailand. After three years of military rule and the naming of Maha Vajiralongkorn as Rama X, there are no signs of a return to democracy or a letup in the use of the accusation of lèse-majesté to quash dissent anytime soon.

The third anniversary of the 22 May 2014 coup by the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) passed as the vast majority of nearly 70 million Thais went to work and school as usual and the several million tourists who visit each month continued to flow across the borders into the country. But the veneer of daily life hides the quiet battle taking place between the NCPO and those who want to see a return to democracy. Rather than the streets that figured in previous anniversary protests, the very lexicon used to describe the NCPO’s rule is the new terrain of struggle. The NCPO would like to erase the keyword most central to its existence: “coup.”

Lire la suite sur : http://www.asian-studies.org/asia-now/entryid/58/a-lexicon-of-repression-in-thailand

Truth and Fiction in the Age of the Strongman: Filipino Writers on Rodrigo Duterte’s Philippines

Truth and Fiction in the Age of the Strongman: Filipino Writers on Rodrigo Duterte’s Philippines, 05/06/2017, SOAS

Miguel Syjuco & Candy Gourlay

This panel discussion looks at the interconnections between Philippine Fiction Writing and Journalism in the time of “tokhang,” schizophrenic populism and Duterte’s unique brand of nationalism. Filipino writers in the diaspora will seek to interrogate the ideas of Post-modernist knowledge construction and its end-games, activism and protest in a post-truth world and the role of fiction in a democracy.

Speaker Biography

Miguel Syjuco’s debut novel, Ilustrado (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2010), won the Carlos Palanca Memorial Award for Literature, the Filipino Readers’ Choice Award, the Hugh MacLennan Prize for Fiction, and the Man Asian Literary Prize and has been translated into more than 10 languages. Miguel, who earned a PhD in literature from the University of Adelaide, was a writing fellow at the Radcliffe Institute at Harvard in 2013 and is currently a visiting professor in the Literature and Creative Writing department at New York University, Abu Dhabi. He is the literary editor of the Manila Review, a member of the Folio Prize Academy and regularly writes for the New York Times International.

Discussant Biography

Candy Gourlay  is a Filipino author based in the United Kingdom. Her debut novel Tall Story (2010) won the National Children’s Book Award of the Philippines in 2012 and the Crystal Kite Award for Europe in 2011. Tall Story was shortlisted for 13 prizes, notably: the Waterstone’s Children’s Book Prize and the Branford Boase Award. Her second novel Shine (2013) was long-listed for the Guardian Children’s Fiction Prize. It won the Crystal Kite Award for the British Isles and Ireland in 2014. Candy was born and raised in the Philippines. From 1984 to 1989, she worked as a journalist in the Philippines, notably as a staff-writer and later associate editor of the weekly opposition tabloid Mr & Ms Special Edition, which played a significant role in the overthrow of the 21 year regime of Filipino dictator Ferdinand Marcos

Voir : https://www.soas.ac.uk/cseas/events/05jun2017-truth-and-fiction-in-the-age-of-the-strongman-filipino-writers-on-rodrigo-dutertes-philipp.html

2017 Holland Prize Shortlist Pacific Affairs

2017 Holland Prize Shortlist Pacific Affairs

Professionals and Soldiers: Measuring Professionalism in the Thai Military by Punchada Sirivunnabood (Mahidol University, Nakhorn Phatom, Thailand), Jacob Isaac Ricks (Singapore Management University, Singapore), Pacific Affaires, vol. 89, n° 1, March 2016

Abstract

Thailand’s military has recently reclaimed its role as the central pillar of Thai politics. This raises an enduring question in civil-military relations: why do people with guns choose to obey those without guns? One of the most prominent theories in both academic and policy circles is Samuel Huntington’s argument that professional militaries do not become involved in politics. We engage this premise in the Thai context. Utilizing data from a new and unique survey of 569 Thai military officers as well as results from focus groups and interviews with military officers, we evaluate the attitudes of Thai servicemen and develop a test of Huntington’s hypothesis. We demonstrate that increasing levels of professionalism are generally poor predictors as to whether or not a Thai military officer prefers an apolitical military. Indeed, our research suggests that higher levels of professionalism as described by Huntington may run counter to civilian control of the military. These findings provide a number of contributions. First, the survey allows us to operationalize and measure professionalism at the individual level. Second, using these measures we are able to empirically test Huntington’s hypothesis that more professional soldiers should prefer to remain apolitical. Finally, we provide an uncommon glimpse at the opinions of Thai military officers regarding military interventions, adding to the relatively sparse body of literature on factors internal to the Thai military which push officers toward politics.

A lire sur : http://pacificaffairs.sites.olt.ubc.ca/files/2017/05/pdfHollandShortlistSirivunnabood_Ricks.pdf

Why Are Gender Reforms Adopted in Singapore? Party Pragmatism and Electoral Incentives by Netina Tan (McMaster University, Hamilton, Canada), Pacific Affairs, vol. 89, n° 1, March 2016

Abstract

In Singapore, the percentage of elected female politicians rose from 3.8 percent in 1984 to 22.5 percent after the 2015 general election. After years of exclusion, why were gender reforms adopted and how did they lead to more women in political office? Unlike South Korea and Taiwan, this paper shows that in Singapore party pragmatism rather than international diffusion of gender equality norms, feminist lobbying, or rival party pressures drove gender reforms. It is argued that the ruling People’s Action Party’s (PAP) strategic and electoral calculations to maintain hegemonic rule drove its policy u-turn to nominate an average of about 17.6 percent female candidates in the last three elections. Similar to the PAP’s bid to capture women voters in the 1959 elections, it had to alter its patriarchal, conservative image to appeal to the younger, progressive electorate in the 2000s. Additionally, Singapore’s electoral system that includes multi-member constituencies based on plurality party bloc vote rule also makes it easier to include women and diversify the party slate. But despite the strategic and electoral incentives, a gender gap remains. Drawing from a range of public opinion data, this paper explains why traditional gender stereotypes, biased social norms, and unequal family responsibilities may hold women back from full political participation.

A lire sur : http://pacificaffairs.sites.olt.ubc.ca/files/2017/05/pdfHollandshortlistTan.pdf

Careful What You Wish For: Salafi Islamisation and the Shifting Structures of the Malaysian State

Lily Zubaidah Rahim, « Careful What You Wish For: Salafi Islamisation and the Shifting Structures of the Malaysian State », 31/05/2017, ANU Malaysia Institute

Abstract

Malaysia appears to be fragmenting under the weight of salafiIslamisation – threatening the country’s secular and democratic constitutional foundations. Initially instigated by state-led Islamisation initiatives under the Mahathir administration, the promotion of salafi Islam has become increasing assertive, particularly since the 2013 general elections. In this election, the UMNO-led Barisan Nasional (BN) government lost the popular vote. More recently, UMNO and the conservative opposition Islamist party PAS have attempted to introduce hudud (sharia penal code) legislation through the Federal parliament – further reconstructing the character of the post-colonial state. The lecture examines Malaysia’s salafiIslamisation in conjunction with the broader socio-political and economic pressures confronting the ruling BN government. The ambiguous and fragmented responses of the predominantly Muslim-led opposition parties (Amanah, Parti Keadilan Rakyat and Bersatu) towards salafi Islamisation will also be considered. After sixty years of independence, Malaysians continue to be challenged by the following questions: What is the constitutional status of sharia law?; How should the dual legal jurisdictions (civil and codified sharia) be managed?; Can traditional interpretations of sharia genuinely accommodate principles such as citizenship rights, gender equality and democratic constitutionalism?

Bio-profile

Lily Zubaidah Rahim is an Assoc Professor at the Department of Government and International Relations, University of Sydney. She is a specialist in authoritarian governance, ethnic politics and democratisation in Southeast Asia and political Islam in Muslim-majority states. Her publications include The Singapore Dilemma: The Political and Educational Marginality of the Malay Community, (Oxford University Press 1998/2001; translated to Malay by the Malaysian National Institute for Translation); Singapore in the Malay World: Building and Breaching Regional Bridges (Routledge, 2009); Muslim Secular Democracy (PalgraveMacmillan, 2013) and The Politics of Islamism: Diverging Visions and Trajectories(PalgraveMacmillan, 2017, Forthcoming). Lily is completing her fifth book on governance reform in Singapore. She has published in international journals such as Democratization,Contemporary Politics, Journal of Contemporary Asia andAustralian Journal of International Affairs. Her sole-authored journal article ‘Governing Muslims in Singapore’s Secular Authoritarian State’ was short-listed for the Boyer Prize by the Australian Journal of International Affairs (AJIA) in 2011.

Voir : http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/cap-events/2017-05-31/careful-what-you-wish-salafi-islamisation-and-shifting-structures-malaysian

Ahok’s defeats and public debate in Indonesia

Ward Berenschot, Ahok’s defeats and public debate in Indonesia, 18/05/2017, New Mandala

Basuki Thahaja Purnama’s (‘Ahok’) electoral defeat in Jakarta’s gubernatorial election on 19 April was stunning in itself. And then Jakarta’s sitting governor was dealt a further blow on 9 May when he was convicted to a two year jail sentence for blasphemy. Both events are a setback for those campaigning for a tolerant and pluralist Indonesia. As the election campaign focused on Ahok’s Chinese-Christian background and the purported threat he posed to Islam, the election results and the subsequent court ruling suggest that the appeal and the power of hardliner Islamic organisations is growing.

So far the interpretations of these events have focused on the considerations of Indonesian voters. Some attributed Ahok’s electoral defeat to a growing concern about social inequality, pointing to his low vote-share among poor Jakartans. Others focused on the impact that religious identity has on voting behaviour. Compared to other groups, Muslims were much less likely to vote for Ahok. These views suggest that a complex interplay of class and religion brought about Ahok’s defeat.

These analyses all focus on the considerations that individual voters may have. But at least as significant is what Ahok’s defeat says about the character of public debate in Indonesia. The Jakarta elections and Ahok’s conviction throw up a number of puzzles that suggest that we need to take a closer look at how public opinion is shaped, and by whom. The nature of Ahok’s defeat raises concerns about the increasingly closed character of Indonesia’s public sphere, and points to the importance of informal, personal networks in spreading and legitimising ideas.

Lire la suite sur : http://www.newmandala.org/ahoks-defeats-say-public-debate-indonesia/

The Rise of the Octobrists in Contemporary Thailand

Kanokrak Lertchoosakul, The Rise of the Octobrists in Contemporary Thailand : Power and Conflict Among Former Left-Wing Student Activists in Thai Politics, Yale Southeast Asia Studies Monograph #65, 2017

This book chronicles the history of the “Octobrist” students in Thai politics from the 1970s to the present. It examines the reasons why these former leftist student activists have managed to remain a significant force over the past three decades despite the collapse of left-wing politics in Thailand at both the national and international levels. At the same time, it asks why the Octobrists have become increasingly divided, particularly during the last decade’s protracted conflict in Thai politics. In addition, it fills in gaps in studies of leftists in transition at the global level on the question of the historical development of leftist and progressive forces in the post–Cold War era. The book is also important for readers interested in social movement theory, demonstrating how it has influenced political actors outside the boundaries of typical social movements. Finally, political opportunity structure, resource mobilization theory, and the framing process are used to conduct a  comprehensive analysis of the origins, emergence, and transformation of the Octobrists in contemporary Thai politics.

Kanokrat Lertchoosakul completed her PhD in government at the London School of Economics and Political Science, London, United Kingdom. She is a lecturer in the Faculty of Political Science, Department of Government, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, Thailand.

Voir : http://cseas.yale.edu/rise-octobrists

BIES: Read our latest free-access collection

BIES: Read our latest free-access collection

Each year, the editors of the Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies (BIES) make six recently published articles free to access online. Their selections for 2017 are below.

Jokowi and the New Developmentalism by Eve Warburton
December 2016 (52.3)

A lire sur : http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00074918.2016.1249262

Authoritarian Legacies in Post–New Order Indonesia: Evidence from a New Dataset by Sharon Poczter and Thomas B. Pepinsky April 2016 (52.1)

A lire sur : http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00074918.2015.1129051

 Village Governance, Community Life, and the 2014 Village Law in Indonesia by Hans Antlöv, Anna Wetterberg, and Leni Dharmawan
August 2016 (52.2)

A lire sur : http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00074918.2015.1129047

Consistency between Sakernas and the IFLS for Analyses of Indonesia’s Labour Market: A Cross-Validation Exercise by Sarah Xue Dong
December 2016 (52.3)

A lire sur : http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00074918.2016.1228828

Could a Resource Export Boom Reduce Workers’ Earnings? The Labour-Market Channel in Indonesia by Ian Coxhead and Rashesh Shrestha
August 2016 (52.2)

A lire sur : http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00074918.2016.1184745

How Robust Is Indonesia’s Poverty Profile? Adjusting for Differences in Needs by Jan Priebe
August 2016 (52.2)

 

Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies, vol. 52, no. 3 (december 2016)

Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies, vol. 52, no. 3 (december 2016)

Site : http://www.tandfonline.com/toc/cbie20/52/3

Table of contents

Survey of Recent Developments

  • Taxing Times in Indonesia: The Challenge of Restoring Competitiveness and the Search for Fiscal Space by Natasha Hamilton-Hart and Günther G. Schulze

Indonesian Politics in 2016

  • Jokowi and the New Developmentalism by Eve Warburton

Other Articles

  • The Macro Forecasting Record of the Indonesian Financial Authorities, 2004–15 by Lloyd R. Kenward
  • Consistency between Sakernas and the IFLS for Analyses of Indonesia’s Labour Market: A Cross-Validation Exercise by Sarah Xue Dong
  • The Development of Inequality and Poverty in Indonesia, 1932–2008 by Bas van Leeuwen and Péter Földvári

Book Reviews

Talking Indonesia – Indonesia at Melbourne

Podcast : Talking Indonesia sur le blog Indonesia at Melbourne

The Indonesia at Melbourne blog was launched in July 2015 to present analysis, research and commentary on contemporary Indonesia from academics and postgraduate students affiliated with the University of Melbourne. It aims to stimulate debate and provide a forum for exchange of information and opinion on current events in Indonesia.

The emphasis is on politics but the blog also covers law, anthropology, culture, history, economics, architecture and public health, reflecting the diversity of expertise on contemporary Indonesia at the university.

Indonesia at Melbourne is edited by Tim Mann. Professor Tim Lindsey, Director of CILIS, and Dr Dave McRae, from The Asia Institute, serve on the blog’s advisory board.

Plus d’informations sur : http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/about/

In 2017, the Talking Indonesia podcast is co-hosted by Dr Dave McRae from the University of Melbourne’s Asia Institute, Dr Jemma Purdey from Monash University, Dr Charlotte Setijadi from the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore and Dr Dirk Tomsa from La Trobe University. Look out for a new Talking Indonesia podcast every fortnight. Catch up on previous episodes here, subscribe via iTunes (link is external) or listen via your favourite podcasting app.

Talking Indonesia: Ahok, race, religion & democracy (part 2)

In the race for Jakarta’s next governor, Basuki “Ahok” Tjahaja Purnama’s ethnic Chinese and Christian identity has become a controversial feature of the campaign. As Dave McRae discussed with Dr Nadirsyah Hosen in November, complaints from the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) about comments Ahok made on the campaign trail late last year sparked a series of mass protests opposing the governor. Charges of blasphemy were eventually laid against Ahok and he is now on trial.

Ahok is the first ethnic Chinese governor of Jakarta and one of very few ethnic Chinese Indonesians to have reached positions of high public office since the fall of New Order. But just how much is the controversy around Ahok related to his ethnicity and religion and how much is it about popular politics in Indonesia today? How has Ahok’s own political style played a part? What does racism look like almost 20 years after the fall of the New Order?

Jemma Purdey discusses these issues and more with Professor Ariel Heryanto, formerly professor at the School of Culture, History and Language of Australian National University and the incoming Herb Feith professor for the study of Indonesia at Monash University.

Voir l’ensemble des épisodes sur : http://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/topic/talking-indonesia/

 

 

 

 

Stone dragging and politics in Sumba

Stone dragging and politics in Sumba by Jacqueline Vel, 10/02/2017, New Mandala

Jacqueline Vel takes a look at the revival of an extravagant and outdated burial tradition in eastern Indonesia, and why it may be a worrying sign for local democracy.

When I asked about the stone dragging, I was told that the person in charge of the huge event was Umbu Neka Jarawoli — the chairman of the district parliament in Central Sumba and member for the Democratic Party (Partai Demokrat).  It would seem that stone dragging has become the bedrock of his politicking…

What we see happening here is a local prominent man mixing traditional and modern means and symbols as part of his strategy to obtain the office of district head. This office is very important in Sumba, because it is the most powerful position in providing access to state resources like subsidies and employment opportunities, of which more than 90 per cent derives from the national government…

Lire la suite sur : http://www.newmandala.org/stone-dragging-politics-sumba/

Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, vol. 35, no. 3 (2016)

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, vol. 35, no. 3 (2016)

The Early Duterte Presidency in the Philippines

Télécharger les PDF sur  : http://journals.sub.uni-hamburg.de/giga/jsaa

Table of contents

Introduction

Research Articles
  • The Dark Side of Electoralism: Opinion Polls and Voting in the 2016 : Philippine Presidential Election by Ronald D. Holmes
  • Bloodied Democracy: Duterte and the Death of Liberal Reformism in the Philippines by Mark R. Thompson
  • Duterte’s Resurgent Nationalism in the Philippines: A Discursive Institutionalist Analysis by Julio C. Teehankee
  • Politics of Anxiety, Politics of Hope: Penal Populism and Duterte’s Rise to Power by Nicole Curato
  • The Spectacle of Violence in Duterte’s “War on Drugs” by Danilo Andres Reyes
  • The Duterte Administration’s Foreign Policy: Unravelling the Aquino Administration’s Balancing Agenda on an Emergent China by Renato Cruz De Castro
  • Divided Politics and Economic Growth in the Philippines by Eric Vincent C. Batalla

Philippine Political Science Journal, vol. 37, no. 3, december 2016

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Philippine Political Science Journal, vol. 37, no. 3, december 2016

Table of contents

Articles

  • The relationship between IRA and local government expenditures: evidence from a cross-section of Philippine cities by Tristan Canare
  • The erosion of the political dominance of an entrenched political clan: the case of the Felix political clan of Cainta, Rizal by Raymund John P. Rosuelo
  • “The greatest workers of the world” : Philippine labor out-migration and the politics of labeling in Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s presidential rhetoric by Oscar Tantoco Serquiña Jr

Year-end Country Report

  • The Philippines in 2015: the calm before the political storm by Julio C. Teehankee

Book Reviews

Voir : http://www.tandfonline.com/toc/rpsj20/37/3

 

Divide and rule: the racist roots of Malaysia’s Redshirt movement

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« Divide and rule: the racist roots of Malaysia’s Redshirt movement » by Paul Millar, 03/01/2017, Southeast Asia Globe

With an election looming and the 1MDB scandal still hanging over Najib Razak’s head, the Redshirt movement has proved a useful pawn in silencing dissent.

Ross Tapsell, a lecturer and researcher at Australian National University’s College of Asia and the Pacific, said the Redshirt movement had been cynically created to drive a wedge between Malaysian voters.

“The Redshirts and their backers are trying to polarise Malaysian politics further, mostly on ethnic and religious grounds, by claiming the Bersih supporters, or ‘Yellowshirts’, are predominantly opposition voters of Chinese heritage, and the Redshirts are the ‘pro-Malay’ group,” he said.

Rather than allow Bersih’s demands for clean elections to resonate with the public, Tapsell said, the Redshirt movement had redrawn the battle lines into something more closely resembling a tribal brawl – with predictable consequences. “Bersih’s goals and the ethnic background of their supporters are much more diverse than the Redshirts give them credit for, but the effect has been to make these protests [about] free and fair elections to be more of a street ‘battle’ between coloured shirts of political parties – think Thailand,” he said.

According to Gerhard Hoffstaedter, a lecturer in anthropology at the University of Queensland and the author of Modern Muslim Identities: Negotiating Religion and Ethnicity in Malaysia, it is a tactic that has been used to stifle real reform for more than half a century.

“By collapsing important human rights issues and the demand for free elections into the racial politics that have dominated Malaysian politics since independence, the Redshirts aim to discredit universal claims to freedoms and mire their demand in a zero-sum game,” he said. “That game rests on pitting ethnic groups against each other and has proven a potent electoral tool.”

Lire la suite : http://sea-globe.com/malaysia-redshirt-movement/